Google vam lahko pove nekaj motečih stvari o prevladi belih v Ameriki



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BELA VRHOVNOST KOT IDEJA se nikoli ne bi smela zgoditi in vsaj že zdavnaj poslati v zabojnik za odpadke. Toda v zadnjem času je spet v porastu, deloma zaradi ameriških demografskih premikov, deloma zaradi rasistične reakcije proti prvemu temnopoltemu predsedniku in deloma zaradi podle, cinične retorike nekaterih političnih kandidatov, ki so prinesli rasistični govor nazaj v mainstream.

Kot je za Politico povedal en beli supremacist, "je bila demoralizacija največji sovražnik in [republikanski vodja Donald] Trump vse to spreminja."

Zdaj se zdi, da ima morda prav: spletno mesto Think Progress je z Googlovim orodjem Trends ugotovilo, kako pogosto so v zadnjih nekaj letih iskali določene rasistične kodne besede in čeprav so bile vse večje v času predsedovanja Obame , so se v zadnjem letu precej okrepili, ko je na prizorišče stopil Donald Trump.

Tu je graf za iskanje besedne zveze "pro white":

Vrhunec je dosegel decembra 2014, kmalu po pariških napadih in mesecu Trumpovega komentarja o prepovedi muslimanom iz ZDA.

Tu je grafikon za besedno zvezo "beli genocid":

Tukaj je grafikon za "Črno na belem zločinu", ki se je povzpel julija 2013, meseca, ko je bil George Zimmerman spoznan za nedolžnega zaradi umora neoboroženega najstnika Trayvona Martina.

Vse to prihaja s poročili, da so ameriške desničarske milice v mnogih delih države močnejše in dejansko predstavljajo večjo grožnjo nacionalni varnosti kot islamski skrajneži in so od 11. septembra pobili več ljudi kot islamski skrajneži.

Ta vzpon rasističnih noric ni majhna zadeva in si zasluži našo pozornost. Torej, ko vam naslednjič nekdo reče, da je rasno nabit govor Donalda Trumpa (ali koga drugega) neškodljiv, mu nežno razložite, da je izredno škodljiv in da ga ne sme zabavati raznolika, civilizirana sodobna družba.

Preko ThinkProgress


NE MOJA IDEJA: KNJIGA O BELOSTI se začne s slikami policijskega streljanja črnca na televizorju in majhne bele punčke, ki svojo mamo sprašuje, kaj se je zgodilo. Mama ne želi govoriti o tem, s čimer krepi tisto, kar se ji zdi pozitivna družinska vrednota: "Ne vidimo barve." Toda deklica ve, da je barva pomembna pri ravnanju z osebo. Odpravi se v knjižnico na raziskovanje, da se bolj informira o vprašanju rase v ZDA in spozna suženjstvo ter ukinitvena gibanja in gibanja za državljanske pravice, vse do koledarja NFL Colina Kaepernicka, ki je klečal v znak protesta zaradi rasne krivice. Spozna tudi pojem nadvlade belih in resničnost privilegiranja belih ter spozna, da nadvlada belih ni njena ideja, zato je ni treba braniti. "Vem, da je bil tisti policist napačen!" vpije na mamo. Nauči se, da je "rasna pravičnost možna. A le, če smo iskreni drug do drugega in do sebe."

Ta močna knjiga ponuja jasno, preprosto, otrokom prijazno razlago nadvlade belih, privilegiranosti belih in potrebe družin, da se iskreno pogovarjajo o tekmi za prizadevanja za rasno pravičnost. Umetnost mešanih medijev učinkovito uporablja arhivske novice in slike v revijah v kolažih, prilepljenih na koščke rjave papirnate vrečke, da pripoveduje zgodbo o boju za državljanske pravice in tekoče vprašanje policijske brutalnosti in policijskih streljanj Afroameričanov. Ilustracijam daje vitalnost in surovost, ki daje knjigi neposrednost. Če se osredotočimo na občutke deklice in njena prizadevanja za znanje in razumevanje (potem šolanje njene mame), to opolnomoči.

Ni moja ideja: knjiga o belini je polna informacij in konteksta, vendar se izogiba pridigam, razen za spodbujanje otrok, da delajo pravilno in se zavzemajo za to, kar je prav. Spodbuja tudi odhod v knjižnico, kjer boste našli odgovore na svoja pereča vprašanja! Knjiga bi bila odlična izhodiščna točka za družinsko razpravo o rasizmu, protestih in policijskem nasilju.


Reševalni načrt za Črno Ameriko (Ep. 453)

New York Times kolumnist Charles Blow trdi, da se nadvlada belih v Ameriki nikoli ne bo popolnoma umaknila in da je čas, da črnci glede tega naredijo nekaj radikalnega. V Hudič, ki ga poznate: manifest črne moči , poziva k "povratni migraciji" na jug, da bi utrdil politično moč in ustvaril regijo, kjer je varno biti črnec. (To je epizoda Kluba radijskih knjig Freakonomics.)

Prisluhnite in se naročite na naš podcast na Apple podcasti, Stitcher, ali drugje. Spodaj je prepis epizode, urejen zaradi berljivosti. Za več informacij o ljudeh in idejah v epizodi glejte povezave na dnu te objave.

Stephen DUBNER: Charles, torej ste rekli, da niste želeli pisati "knjige o dirkah".

Charles BLOW: Da.

DUBNER: Predvidevam, da bi to knjigo vendarle šteli za dirkalno knjigo?

UDAR: No, dirkalne knjige, za katere sem vedel, so specifične zvrsti, kajne? Torej je obstajala zgodovina dirke. Ne morem napisati knjige zgodovine dirk. Nisem zgodovinar. Tudi v zgodovinskem delu te knjige sem si vlekel lase in razmišljal, da sem morda kaj narobe in poklical vsakega zgodovinarja, ki ga poznam, in se prepričal, da mi kaj ni manjkalo. Torej tega nisem mogel napisati. In potem so bile knjige o sintezi našega rasizma in njegovih škodljivih učinkov. In zagotovo nisem hotel napisati enega od teh. In od tod izvira predvsem moja nenaklonjenost žanru, to je, da nikoli nisem zares čutil, da so bile te knjige kdaj napisane za črnce. Vedno so nekomu razlagali nekaj, kar sem že poznal. Predvideval sem, da je vse povezano z belci. In to me ni zanimalo.

DUBNER: Za koga je torej napisana ta knjiga?

UDAR: Črnci.

DUBNER: Kako se počutiš, ko ga beli berejo?

UDAR: Oh, ljubim te, preberi. Čudovito je, veste, Jane Austen mi ni pisala. Toda te knjige lahko berem in zame bi bile lahko čudovite, vendar nisem bil občinstvo teh knjig, zato lahko beremo stvari, kjer nismo ciljno občinstvo, in še vedno cenimo, da so bile napisane in njihova vsebina.

Dobrodošli v zadnjem delu Kluba radijskih knjig Freakonomics, v katerem intervjuvamo avtorja in slišimo odlomke iz knjige. Današnji avtor je Charles M. Blow, oped kolumnist pri New York Times.

In njegova nova knjiga je manifest. Tako piše v podnaslovu. To se imenuje Hudič, ki ga poznate: manifest črne moči. Tu je kratek odlomek.

UDAR: Črnci so pred grozotami rasističnega Juga pobegnili v tako imenovana liberalna mesta na severu in zahodu, trgovali so s hudičem, ki so ga poznali, za hudiča, ki ga niso, le da so prišli do bolečega spoznanja, da je hudič hudič. Kot je nekoč rekel Julian Bond, "" Amerika "navsezadnje razvozlano piše" Jaz sem rasa "."

* * *

Manifete ponavadi mislimo kot relikvije preteklosti: Komunistični manifest, Marx in Engels, Potrditev pravic ženske, avtor Mary Wollstonecraft, Zdrava pamet, avtor Thomas Paine. Ne pričakujete, da boste leta 2021 naleteli na enega. Vsaj nisem. Trdil pa bi, da bo kdorkoli prebere knjigo Charlesa Blowa, spremenjen in premaknjen - čeprav v katerih smereh je težko reči. Hudič, ki ga poznaš je globoko osebna in nesramno politična, v enem trenutku je mirno opisna, v naslednjem pa ostro predpisujoča. Kanalizira argumente - in razočaranja - Malcolma X in Jamesa Baldwina ter samega Charlesa Blowa. Je vitka knjiga, zgrajena okoli velike ideje.

UDAR: Zgodilo se mi je, da sem vse življenje razmišljal premajhno o svojem pristopu do bivanja na svetu in dojemanja svoje vloge v njem. Moral sem se spomniti, da lahko velika ideja spremeni tok zgodovine. In kot pisatelj sem bil enkratno postavljen ne samo zato, da bi izrazil takšno idejo, temveč jo tudi potisnil v svet.

Ideja je nastala iz Blowovega računa, da je nadvlada belih trajna lastnost Amerike. In kar nekateri ljudje sprejemajo kot napredek, v resnici ni.

UDAR: Preprosto ne morem sprejeti argumenta za napredek, ker argument za napredek temelji na tem: »Morali bi biti zadovoljni in zaploskati dejstvu, da se izogibam zatiranju. In do zdaj je minilo le 400 let in kmalu, morda še kakšnih 100 let, bomo morda končali. Moja rast je lahko popolna. Morda pridem iz kokona in postanem metulj. " To je zame noro. V njej sem se rodil, zelo verjetno bom umrl s temi video posnetki ubijanja temnopoltih ljudi, ker se v tej arhitekturi ni nič spremenilo. Moja osvoboditev ne more biti odvisna od vašega razvoja. Komaj čakam, da rasteš. Zame je tako pasivno stališče. In je ne bom vzel.

Blow trdi, da je preveč temnopoltih Američanov predolgo zlorabljeno na preveč načinov in da preveč belih Američanov proti rasizmu ne plača nič drugega kot ustnice. Piše, da so bili protesti Black Lives Matter lani poleti "socialno pravični Coachella" za tiste, ki jih je pandemija "prikrajšala" za obrede, zabave in maturantske zabave. " Trdi tudi, da je preveč temnopoltih Američanov zaslepilo osebno ambicioznost ali jih je kooptirala demokratična stranka, ki zanje skrbi le med volitvami. Ugotavlja, da je status quo grotesken in ga ni vredno ohranjati.

UDAR: Neko noč me je prav zadelo. Rekel sem, v redu. "Naj to samo zapišem." In pisal sem približno pet dni 25.000 besed predloga knjige, neumne, neurejene stvari s polnimi slovničnimi napakami.

Predlog je postal knjiga, knjiga pa vsebuje načrt.

BLOW: Zavedam se, da ne predlagam ničesar, kar je najbolj drzna igra moči Black America v zgodovini države.

* * *

Danes naprej Radio Freakonomics: kaj točno je drzen načrt Charlesa Blowa? Kako uspešno je? In se že dogaja?

Charles Blow se je rodil pred 50 leti in odraščal v majhnem mestecu Gibsland v državi Louisiana. Nahajalo se je na mestu nasada, ki je bil nekoč v lasti dr. Jasperja Gibbsa.

UDAREC: Ko ste odrasli revni, če veste, da vaši predniki niso bili nujno revni - to je čudna stvar.

Blowova prva knjiga je spomin z imenom Ogenj utihni v mojih kosteh. Izšla je leta 2014.

UDAR: Dokler nisem pisal te knjige, se mi ni zdelo, da so vsi rodovniki moje družine osvobojeni temnopolti možje, kolikor ga lahko zasledim. Pra-pra-pra-dedek v Alabami, on je rekel, da je prihranil denar in si kupil svojo svobodo.

Blow se spominja, da je nekoč videl staro družinsko fotografijo, bratranca kasnejše generacije.

UDAR: Prevrnil sem ga in datum posnetka je bil na zadnji strani. Bilo je sredi velike depresije. In potem cena okvirja, ki je bila izjemno visoka, potem pa sem začel kot Googlove prilagoditve inflacije in všeč, kakšen Črnec sredi Velike depresije ima denar, da ga porabi za ta smešno drag okvir?

Charles je bil najmlajši od petih sinov, njegova mati je delala v tovarni za predelavo perutnine, preden se je vrnila v šolo in postala učiteljica gospodinjstva. Očeta ni bilo na sliki. Bil je, kot piše Blow, "po poklicu gradbeni delavec, po navadi morski pes v bazenu in prisilno serijski filanderer." Charles je bil dober študent, na ekskurziji v glavnem mestu zvezne države med srednjo šolo je menil, da bi nekoč rad postal guverner Louisiane.

UDAR: Odpeljali so nas do guvernerjevega dvorca, guverner Edwards pa se je strmoglavil v sprejemno sobo in rekel sem: "O moj bog, ta fant je tako kul." Tekmoval je proti Davidu Dukeu. V nekem trenutku reče: "Edino, kar imava skupnega z Davidom Dukeom, je, da sva oba dobra pod rjuhami." Bil sem: "Želim biti ta tip."

V Louisiani je ostal na fakulteti, obiskal je Grambly State - znani HBCCU ali zgodovinsko temnopolti kolidž ali univerzo. Končal je s študijem komunikacij. Že zgodaj je imel dvome.

BLOW: Imeli smo karierni dan in ena od žensk, ki je očitno prišla, ni bila zadovoljna s svojim delom. In reče: "Veste, novinarji na začetku samo zaslužijo" - in mislim, da je rekla približno 16.000 dolarjev na leto -, da je bilo res malo. In spomnim se, da sem se izgovoril s seminarja, odšel v kopalnico in dobesedno vrgel. Kar naprej sem si mislila: »Ne bi mogla iti na fakulteto in biti revna. Ne morem. " Potem sem si le mislil, da sem rekel: »V tem bom pač najboljši. In upam, da bo denar prišel kasneje in mi bo udobno. "

V tej dimenziji mu je uspelo. Interniral je pri Shreveport Times, v Louisiani, nato pa se preselil na sever: nekaj let pri Detroitske novice in nato v New York Times, kjer je bil leta del ekipe, ki izdeluje zemljevide, diagrame in diagrame. Za kratek čas je odšel na podobna dela National Geographicin se vrnil v New York Times leta 2008 kot kolumnist mnenj. Zlasti v zadnjih letih je postal zvezdniška atrakcija, saj se je njegovo osredotočanje na raso in rasizem prekrižalo s širšim zanimanjem za te teme. Toda ta uspeh je imel ceno. Kot piše v Hudič, ki ga poznaš.

UDAR: Vedno sem se počutil varnega v svojem večinsko-črnem domačem kraju in v svojem večinsko-črnem univerzitetnem mestu. Nikoli nisem razumel, koliko darilo je bilo, dokler se nisem podal na sever in tega občutka varnosti nadomestil zalezovalni strah.

Blowova selitev na sever je bila odmev tistega, kar se je imenovalo Velika selitev. Od približno leta 1915 do približno leta 1970 se je približno 6 milijonov črnih južnjakov preselilo v ciljna mesta, kot so Detroit in Chicago, New York in Philadelphia. Bežali so pred zakoni Jima Crowa in iskali boljše delo, zlasti na začetku je bila večina migrantov samskih moških. To je za seboj pustilo Jug, ki je pogrešal veliko svojih mož.

UDAR: Rojen sem bil leta 1970 v Louisiani ob koncu Velike selitve v svet, ki ga je oblikovalo prosto mesto. Moje majhno domače mesto Gibsland je med popisom 1910 in 1920, med prvim valom velike migracije, izgubilo celo četrtino prebivalstva. Ko sem se rodil, je bilo očitno več žensk kot moških, po najnovejšem popisu pa ostajajo tri ženske na dva moška v mestu.

DUBNER: Izvirni greh tukaj je očitno suženjstvo. Toda ali se lahko za minuto pogovorite o tem, kako pomembno, dolgoročno je bilo dejstvo, da osvobojeni sužnji niso dobili zemlje, kot so jim obljubili, niso dobili dostopa do zdravstvenega varstva in izobraževanja. Zdi se, da je prav to na koncu pripeljalo do okoliščin, zaradi katerih je bila migracija v severna mesta tako privlačna, ja?

UDAR: No, ovir je veliko. Ob koncu državljanske vojne, v letih po tem, je četrtina vseh temnopoltih v Ameriki resno zbolela ali umrla. Kako malo zdravstvene infrastrukture so sesuli z državljansko vojno. Nekateri večji nasadi bi samo kot način zaščite premoženja zdravili zasužnjene ljudi zaradi določenih bolezni. Odseljeni so od vsega tega. In zvezna vlada pravi državam: "Za te ljudi moraš skrbeti", države pa zvezni vladi: "O čem govoriš? Dobri belci se vračajo šepajoče. Moramo jih spraviti v bolnišnico. «

In tako nihče ni vstopil. Osvobojeni so stradanja. Na sovražno ozemlje. Nimate ničesar v lasti. Kam boš šel? Toda nekako se celo sredi vsega tega pojavijo ti žepi preživetja in blaginje, kjer črnci samo rečejo, Nihče nam ne bo pomagal. Preprosto to moramo storiti sami. « In ustvarjajo gospodarstva in skupnosti. Del človeškega duha je, da hoče delati, hoče nekaj ustvariti, hoče biti zapomnjen. Želi si blaginje in jo bo ustvaril iz nič. Vsi bi morali navijati to zgodbo. Toda to se ni zgodilo tako. In pravzaprav so bile vse te skupnosti ena za drugo zgorele do tal ali razstavljene na kak drug način. Ker je to grozilo nadvladi belih. "Kako si drznete uspeti z vsem tem proti sebi?"

Ciljna mesta na severu so medtem vabila z bolj plačanim delom in domnevno razsvetljenim pogledom na dirko.

UDAR: Beli ljudje na severu so brez težav gledali na belce na jugu in rekli: "Obnašate se drzno, to je grozljivo." Toda ko so se črnci v resničnem številu pojavili na severu in srednjem zahodu, so morali denar položiti tja, kjer so bila usta. In na koncu so uporabili številne iste taktike, ki jih je uporabljal Jug: stanovanjsko segregacijo, izobraževalno segregacijo, množično policijsko zatiranje.

Kot vidi Blow, so te taktike ustvarile 21. stoletje, ki se manj razlikuje od 20., kot bi radi mislili.

UDAR: Črnoameričani že 150 let upajo in čakajo. Odkorakali smo in se uprli. Številni naši najvidnejši voditelji so pomirili in se spoštovali. Videli smo, da so si naši težko prisluženi dobički razjedli razvijajočo se, dodelano nadvlado belih, hkrati pa so nam povedali, da se obeta resnična in popolna enakost. Toda danes za to ni več zagotovila kot pred stoletjem.

DUBNER: Pišete: "Radi moško moški prevladujemo nad belimi… v resnici pa je ravno tako verjetno, da ga bodo sprfali parfumi. Bele ženske v tej državi že od začetka vedo, da imajo moč, da aktivirajo prevlado belih in jo spodbudijo k skrajnemu nasilju. Aktiviranje belega terorja je mehka moč belkinje. "

UDAR: Ko pišete v teh kategorijah, je vedno z neizgovorjenim "ne vsi belci, ne vsi črnci". Toda v celoti je to res. Štirideset odstotkov vseh lastnikov sužnjev je bilo belk. Napravili so trg za materino mleko žensk Black. Črnke, mnoge med njimi so bile dobesedno obravnavane kot krave. In v resnici so mnogi otroci teh žensk ostali brez ustrezne prehrane, ker je bilo porabljeno vse mleko. Če pogledate številne, če ne večino pomembnih trenutkov okoli izjemnega belega terorja v tej državi, je šlo za - ali pa so vsaj beli moški to zagovarjali - za obrambo bele ženstvenosti. Emmett Till je umorjen, kar je kot veliki pok gibanja za državljanske pravice, ker je osumljen, da se je z belko žensko pogovarjal, ki kasneje v življenju pravi, da ničesar od tega ni storil. Zdaj vidite, da se isto pojavlja s temi video posnetki na mobitelih, v katerih večinoma ženske govorijo, da bodo poklicale policijo, saj dobro vedo, da je policija mišica.

UDAR: Beli zmerni na severu in zahodu se zavzemajo za željo, da bi bili boljši zavezniki, vendar nočejo priznati, da sistem uporablja njihovo prisotnost kot orožje, pri čemer uporabljajo brutalno policijsko taktiko v njihovo zaščito, spodbujajo hiper segregacijo in neravnovesje v ime, da jim bo udobno. Želijo "nekaj narediti", vendar se ničesar ne odrečejo. Vse to je ogromno tekmovanje s ponarejenimi korekcijami v joga hlačah za 80 dolarjev, v katerih je 8 latte latte. Nagrajujejo si lovoriko za najmanj dela, da bi bolečino nadloge namesto zmanjšali, kot da bi jo pozdravili. Osredotočajo se na ublažitev vpliva prevlade belih in ne na njegovo izkoreninjenje. In v svoji najslabši obliki ta napačno usmerjena negovalna nega in varuška poskuša popraviti ljudi - temnopolte ljudi - s katerimi ni nič drugega kot ujeti v puščave obupa, brez dostopa, priložnosti in virov. Med premožnimi, ki so tako naklonjeni, dajo malo in pričakujejo, da jih bodo zelo pohvalili.

Pred veliko migracijo je velika večina temnopoltih Američanov, morda 90 odstotkov, živela na jugu. Do leta 1970 je to število padlo na približno 50 odstotkov. Standardni argument trdi, da se je ta migracija v resnici splačala. Argument Charlesa Blowa je, da poskus ni uspel.

UDAR: Črnci so se med Veliko selitvijo preselili proti severu in zahodu kot rezultat kombinacije potiska in vlečenja. Potisk je bil rasni teror in rasno zatiranje Jima Crowa South. Poteg je bil upanje na boljše življenje: gospodarsko, socialno in politično. Pravim, da se je isti občutek terorja in zatiranja, ki je potisnil ljudi z juga, ponovno utelešil na severu in zahodu. Zaradi hiper militarističnega policijskega dela, plenilskega zapiranja in ponovnega rojstva sovražnega gibanja so ciljna mesta nezaželena, negostoljubna in v nekaterih primerih neprimerna za bivanje.

In tu pridemo do Blowove teze, ki jo imenuje "veliko generacijsko podjetje, reševalna misija za Črno Ameriko".

UDAR: Ta knjiga je moja velika ideja. Črnci v Ameriki bi morali obrniti Veliko migracijo in se vrniti v države, v katerih so bili po državljanski vojni ali blizu njih večino, in v države, kjer trenutno predstavljajo velik odstotek prebivalstva. Črnci so dejansko lahko kolonizirali in nadzorovali države, ki bi jih nadzorovali, če jim ne bi pobegnili.

* * *

DUBNER Ko ste prvič začeli to idejo izrekati ljudem, ki ste jih poznali, kakšen je bil njihov odziv, preden ste napisali knjigo?

UDAR: Čeljust je vsakogar na tleh in všeč mi je, da ne razumem popolnoma, da menijo, da je to tako radikalna stvar, ker je to zame povsem logično. Zame je bilo pomembno, da v pripovedi te knjige nisem osredotočal beline, dobesedno sem se pogovarjal z mlado 20-letno temnopolto osebo, ki se ni zavzel za službo, še vedno ni poročen, samo poskušam si priskrbeti nogo na svetu še vedno dovolj svoboden, da je lahko kjer koli v državi, ki bi morda razmišljal, kam bi želel poklicati domov.

DUBNER: In kako ciljno želite, da je obratna migracija? Z drugimi besedami, videl sem, da bi, če bi res radi optimizirali politično moč, želeli stati tam z zastavami -.

UDAR: Odložišče? Ne, ne bom z odložiščem. Sem pa izpostavil posebna stanja, za katera menim, da jih je treba upoštevati. In segajo od Louisiane do Delawareja. Torej niso nekatere od teh apalaških držav. To ni Tennessee ali Kentucky ali Zahodna Virginia. Prav tako ni Florida in ne Teksas.

* * *

UDAR: Moj argument povratne migracije cilja le na devet držav, ki so vključene v popis prebivalstva: Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Južna Karolina, Severna Karolina, Virginia, Maryland in Delaware. Natančneje predlagam, da gravitirate k večjim mestom, razporejenim kot dragulji na verigi, ki mejijo na koridor Interstate 20 – Interstate 95 od Shreveporta v državi Louisiana do Wilmingtona v Delawareju.

DUBNER: Pojasnite, zakaj je državna oblast sama po sebi optimalna sila za zbiranje in zvezna.

UDAREK: No, zvezno je super, vendar obstaja razlog, da se imenujemo Združene države Amerike. Polovica oblasti v državi je rezervirana za zvezne države, ki izvajajo neodvisno od zvezne vlade. Dejansko ustava izrecno pravi, da je vsaka pristojnost, ki ni posebej prenesena na zvezno vlado, rezervirana za države. Torej, tudi če tega niso mislili v ustavi, če ga niso dali zvezni vladi, pripada državam, zato imajo države resnično in včasih nesorazmerno moč nad marsičem. da so temnopolti najbolj zaskrbljeni.

Množično zapiranje je v glavnem državno in lokalno vprašanje. Večina kazenskega zakonika je razvita na državni ravni. Izvaja se na lokalni ravni. To bi lahko prenesli na zdravstveno in izobraževalno politiko. Poleg tega je v Ameriki že 1200 večinsko črnih mest, 90 odstotkov jih je na jugu, v ustavi pa ni mest. Država lahko prepreči vse, kar mesto želi. Torej niste resnično svobodni, tudi če živite v Atlanti ali New Orleansu, kjer imate večino prebivalstva, ker država lahko reče: "Ja, osvobojeni ste, dokler ne rečemo, da niste . "

DUBNER: Recimo, da bi se morali vsi temnopolti v ZDA, ki ne živijo na jugu - ali celo 50 odstotkov njih - preseliti v ciljne države in mesta, ki jih predlagate. Zanima me, koliko političnega vzvoda bi to dejansko ustvarilo in ali zvezni vzvod morda ni bistvo.

UDAR: Moj argument je, da bi pridobitev državne oblasti povečala tako zvezno kot državno moč. To je strateško urejeno kot ravno pravšnja količina v določenih zveznih državah, da bi lahko, če se na pol premaknete nazaj, nadzorovali celo vrsto držav na jugu, šest, morda sedem. Zdaj imate nadzor nad 14 sedeži v senatu. To je zvezna oblast.

DUBNER: Ali lahko govorite o tem, kaj vidite kot najmočnejše predhodnike takšnega gibanja, ne glede na to, ali gre za Republiko Novo Afriko v šestdesetih letih, ali gre za gibanje Nazaj v Afriko.

UDAR: No, nekateri so bili črnski nacionalistični predlogi, kar pomeni, da so želeli odcepiti drugo ločeno državo znotraj države. Tega ne predlagam. Predlagam, da utrdite oblast v državi. Pravzaprav mislim, da najmočnejši predhodniki niso črnci, ampak belci, ki se množično selijo v Vermont, posebej z namenom utrditve liberalne moči in spreminjanja države iz bolj konzervativne v bolj liberalno. In uspelo je. Toda svoje zagovorništvo sem oblikoval po vzoru črnih novinarjev, ki so se najprej zavzeli za veliko selitev. Črnci so imeli dolgo zgodovino, ki je tisk uporabljala kot jasni klic, da bi se obrnila na Črnce. In poskušam biti del te zapuščine.

Tu je odlomek iz Hudič, ki ga poznaš kjer Blow trdi, da je ta zapuščina vodstva črncev zastala, morda celo zakrknila:

UDAR: Bojim se, da se črni aktivizem plazi proti lastni obliki elitizma, načinu gradnje slojev in hierarhije domnevno prebujenih nad domnevno zaspanimi. Preveč naših najbolj cenjenih mislecev, večina na severu in zahodu, je naredilo čudovite meditacije in povzročalo mehurčke na temo osvoboditve črncev. Toda na koncu mnogi podležejo določeni monotonosti urbanosti in arogancije, jadnemu tuljenju v veter, gradnji primera brez ukrepanja, diagramiranju problema brez rešitve.

Aktivizem postane vaja za uveljavljanje verodostojnosti, način pozicioniranja v iskanju moči. Te misije pogosto predstavljajo obupno hrepenenje avtorjev, ki bi jih morali mazati beli liberalci in bela akademija, kolektivi, ki črnino nagovarjajo s klinične distance, črni boj spremenijo v antropologijo, črna bolečina pa v pedagogiko. Zdi se mi, da ima beli liberalec pri rasnem vprašanju skorajda nenasitno lakoto po krivdi obremenjenem samobihanju. Na enak način ima beli konservativec žejo po odpustitvi zapuščine in potrditvi trenutnega prezira. Trgi za pomiritev obeh so močni. Toda črna kolonizacija juga ni filozofija ali intelektualna drža. To je dejanski načrt.

The New York Times kolumnist Charles Blow je napisal knjigo z naslovom Hudič, ki ga poznate: manifest črne moči. V njej Blow poziva temnopolte Američane, ki živijo zunaj juga, da preusmerijo veliko selitev 20. stoletja in se vrnejo v regijo, od koder prihajajo njihovi predniki. Usmeril se je na določen sklop južnih mest in držav z dvojnim ciljem maksimiziranja politične moči črncev in ustvarjanja neke vrste protističnega svetišča.

* * *

UDAR: Govorim o velikem generacijskem podvigu, reševalni misiji za Črno Ameriko. In to poslanstvo se začne z državami, ki so resnična središča moči v tej državi, in kot take nadzirajo levji delež vprašanj, ki jih živi Blackevil: kazensko pravosodje, sodni procesi, izobraževanje, zdravstvo, gospodarske priložnosti in pomoč.

* * *

DUBNER: Na sam začetek knjige vključite citat Jamesa Baldwina, ki je dejal: "Za črnce ni razlike med severom in jugom, razlika je le v načinu, kako vas kastrirajo, ampak dejstvo kastracije je ameriško dejstvo. " Ali to do neke mere ni v nasprotju z vašimi argumenti v knjigi?

UDAR: Pravim, da severni rasizem ni toliko slabši kot južni rasizem in da je na jugu utopija, ampak da je rasizem povsod. Nehajte se pretvarjati, da lahko pobegnete na sever in dosežete protirasistični prostor. Povsod je. Vendar pravim, da je nekaj takšnega vedenja severne in zahodne policijske države nenavadno. To je vrnitev k nečemu, kar je Jug sicer storil, a dela manj.

DUBNER: In to zato, ker je jug prerasel ali zakaj?

UDAR: Na rasizem gledam kot na nekakšen razvojni cikel. To je starec na jugu in mlad fant, ki igra v teh drugih mestih. Morate iti skozi faze.

DUBNER: Kaj je za vas večja prednost, politični vzvod ali ustanovitev ali širitev večinsko-manjšinske skupnosti, da zmanjšate izpostavljenost rasizmu?

UDAR: Verjamem, da je politična moč enaka kulturni povezanosti. Verjamem, da se nekaj izgubi, ko si nenehno vržen v rasno vojskovanje, ko se moraš nenehno braniti, braniti svojo pravico do obstoja, braniti svoje telo, braniti se na sodišču. Kje bi lahko bili v prostoru, ki vas samo vidi kot človeka in vas časti za vse, kar prinesete do te človeške izkušnje.

DUBNER: Težko si predstavljam, kako se to počuti vsak dan, da bi bil tako dosledno in sistematično razvrednoten, in se sprašujem, kako ne počiš pošteno.

UDAR: No, nekateri ljudje to storijo, nekateri pa gredo v zgodnje grobove. Če pogledate stopnje umrljivosti in vidite, da temnopolti ljudje, čeprav se prilagajajo drugim dejavnikom, umrejo nekoliko prej kot drugi, in veliko tega pripisujejo rasnemu stresu. Torej vas to dobesedno stane let življenja. Toda rasna pristranskost - pro-bela, anti-črna - med belci, njen odstotek se na jugu ne razlikuje kot na severu ali na srednjem zahodu. In zdi se mi, da je točka razcepa krutost. Obstajajo določeni ljudje, ki jih krutost sploh ne moti, drugi pa se zgražajo nad idejo, da bi z živim bitjem ravnali surovo. To ne pomeni, da verjamejo, da so črnci in belci enakovredna človeška bitja. Abolicionisti so se zgražali nad idejo suženjstva, vendar so bili popolni beli supremacisti. Ko Abraham Lincoln poda eno izmed njih razpravo o Lincoln-Douglasu, jasno pove, da je beli supremacist. Ampak noče suženjstva.

DUBNER: Torej, celotna knjiga je bila napisana v času Trumpove administracije?

UDAR: Da.

DUBNER: Zanima me, ali menite, da so argumenti postali manj intenzivni zaradi novega predsedstva, ki je manj supremacistično itd.?

UDAR: Ne, ni odvisno od nobene uprave. If it did, Barack Obama would have solved the problem, or Bill Clinton would have, or Jimmy Carter would have. It’s not Democrats/Republicans even, specifically. It is: Black people don’t have enough power to force the political structures to respond.

DUBNER: You argue in the book that if Black people in the South were to acquire the real political leverage you are describing, that they and the Democratic Party wouldn’t necessarily be on the same team any more.

BLOW: Well, Black people on social issues are not very liberal. They just cannot abide the Republican Party’s courting of the racists and so they vote Democratic. A hundred years ago, these parties were flipped. So if Black people can get over the absolute racism of the Democratic Party 100 years ago or 75 years ago — this was the party of the Klan. It was the party of slavery. Black people were able to get over it and the Democratic Party was able to completely transform itself. So, if it is possible for the Democrats over a 100-year span, it may be possible for the Republicans over a 100-year span, who knows? We often think that liberalism includes racial egalitarianism, and it does not. Just because I believe in fighting climate change, and a woman’s right to choose, and that gay people should get married, does not mean that I am necessarily also a racial egalitarian.

DUBNER: Although the stated preference for racial egalitarianism co-travels with those things, typically.

BLOW: Because political parties are organized around that. You’ve been taught that the coalition should include all those things.

DUBNER: You can’t belong to this party unless you buy every single thing we sell.

BLOW: But human beings operating their own lives pick from whichever basket they want to choose from and then leave things in the other basket. I am strongly in favor of gay marriage, but there were a lot of Black people who were not.

DUBNER: Including Obama for a while.

BLOW: Including every president until Obama.

* * *

BLOW: In the decades preceding the Great Migration, not even racial oppression and racial terror were enough to dislodge Black people from the South. They needed a nudge, a shock to the economic system to jolt them out of migratory stasis and into action. That shock came with the boll-weevil infestation in cotton states beginning around the turn of the twentieth century. The combined forces of an economic crisis and a social-justice crisis finally set the migration into motion. I believe that we are seeing a similar scenario with the economic crisis created for Black people by the COVID-19 pandemic. In a grand twist of irony, the staggeringly incompetent response to the crisis by Donald Trump, a white-power president, may well provide the necessary accelerant for a Black power migration.

* * *

DUBNER: When I saw the data on the reverse migration that you’re encouraging, especially the numbers for the Atlanta metro area, I was sure it was a typo. That area has had an increase of around 250,000 — a quarter of a million — Black people just between 2010 and 2016. So you, Charles, are not the head of this movement. You may not be the tail of the movement, but you’re not the head.

BLOW: No. It has been going on for, I don’t know, two decades. Maybe more. The Black population of Georgia has doubled from 1990 to 2020. The first Black mayor of a major southern city was Maynard Jackson in Atlanta in 1973. That was because Atlanta had become majority-Black just in 1970. Now, almost every major city in the South, not including Florida and Texas, has a Black mayor. And most of them are majority-Black cities. It has changed the whole dynamic of the South.

DUBNER: Let’s say that you create great political leverage on the municipal and state levels and then you say, “Okay, it’s time to really make it happen on the federal level.” What, at the federal level, would you most want to use that leverage to accomplish?

BLOW: State power and federal power overlap when it comes to Senate seats and Electoral College votes. When Black people were the majority of the coalition that delivered Georgia for Joe Biden, it was the first time since at least Reconstruction that that had happened. When you can deliver the state as the majority coalition, that’s a whole different calculus. You’re not the 10, 15 extra percent around Detroit or in Philadelphia, that they need to excite at the last moment when white people basically split their vote down the middle. And when you have people elected to the Senate where the majority of the coalition who sends them there is Black people, they have to pay attention to Black agenda items. So all the bills in the Senate now, like studying reparations, for that to advance, you have to have people in there advocating for it.

DUBNER: I asked this friend of mine — he’s mid-to-late 30s, he’s Black, he grew up in what I’d call the mid-South — when I described to him your idea, he wrote back to me, he said, “It sounds interesting. It’s a clear and understandable strategy, which is more than hoping the rest of the country sees the light. I’m sure it will be met with a lot of resistance and violence. I assume white people will change the rules or completely circumvent them in some way. The North will suddenly become very, ‘conservative.’”

BLOW: All of that’s likely. And it would be disingenuous for me to say, “Oh, I’ve worked it all out down to the last period, and I’ve figured it out and I have your flights and your bus tickets.” What I am saying is that this is a revolutionary act and revolutionary acts are never without resistance and they’re never without risk. But you have to decide, do you really want power for you, and your children, and their children, or not? Do you really want to create a space in this country where white supremacy is not the governing ethos, or not? If you want to stay nustled in your little apartment in Brooklyn or in the south side of Chicago, that’s a choice that you are making. But I want you to make that choice in the full knowledge that that is not the only option you have.

* * *

BLOW: Whenever Black people make progress, white people feel threatened and respond forcefully. Emancipation and the Civil War gave rise to the Ku Klux Klan, which formed just months after the war ended. The Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, striking down racial segregation in schools, gave rise to the white supremacist Citizens’ Councils. The election of the first Black president gave rise to the Tea Party. It took centuries for America to hone its instruments of oppression. Every time part of it fell, it simply reemerged in a more elegant form. Battling racism in this country is like cutting heads off the Hydra.

* * *

DUBNER: Can you talk about putting this idea to political and social and religious leaders? Talk about the sort of responses you got.

BLOW: In general, it is hesitation. And this is why I like to talk directly to the people reading this book. The establishment, even Black establishment, is the establishment. Their power is vested in the status quo. There are districts in California that depend on Black people being in them for them to have Black representatives. Those representatives are never going to say, “Oh, this is a great idea.” Black mayors of cities in the North and Midwest are never going to say, “Oh, this is a good idea.” So I already know going into this, I cannot count on the establishment, including the Black establishment, to agree with me.

DUBNER: And that includes Barack Obama, correct?

BLOW: I did not put it to Barack Obama, because getting to Barack Obama is very difficult.

DUBNER: You do write about him quite a bit in the book. You call him, “a feel-good Black leader, who would allow white liberals to purchase absolution on the cheap.” So my sense is that you don’t feel that he would be interested in it, correct?

BLOW: My gut tells me no, but I don’t know if he would be.

DUBNER: Let’s talk a little bit about the Obama presidency. One would think that the first Black president, who was a Democrat, would have addressed racism in a way that would satisfy, or at least address, a lot of the problems that you’ve identified in the book. Let’s say that’s the assumption. How would you judge the actual accomplishment, then, toward that goal?

BLOW: There’s just so little that the federal government can do on those big things — mass incarceration, or community policing. On the health front, hands down, Obamacare is hugely important for Black people. But it doesn’t get fully utilized because the Southern states where most Black people live, most of them have Republican governors who refuse to take the money to expand Medicaid. So, he does things, but I wasn’t expecting him to solve American racism in four or eight years.

DUBNER: Do you feel he was too much of an accommodationist, though?

BLOW: I believe, some of that, he may have felt was by necessity. That’s why I connect the through line with a lot of the major Black leaders over time. They felt like they had no other choice. But in retrospect, it doesn’t help Black people.

* * *

BLOW: As I pondered Obama’s hope speech that night in New York, it occurred to me that he was only the latest ambassador of the political hope doxology and the inevitable blindness that it renders, that he has many other comrades in that crusade, perhaps the most famous of whom being Booker T. Washington. Eventually both men were forced to confront the truth that all Black idealists must reckon with: White supremacy cannot be appeased. It can’t be bargained with. It can’t be convinced. It is America’s embryonic fluid. America was born in it and genetically coded by it. No amount of hoping or waiting, coalition-building or Kumbaya can redress that reality. Hope, as a religious tool, may well be essential, but hope, as a political tool, is folly.

* * *

BLOW: You see Black leaders over and over again, say to themselves, maybe if I just do this, they’ll stop terrorizing my community. And they give an inch — one of the Black power leaders of the 60s, he says, “You give an inch, they’ll take a yard, you give a yard, they’ll burn a cross on it every time.” That’s how white supremacy works. They’re not giving an inch. It’s only you giving an inch.

DUBNER: You write about W.E.B. Du Bois and his embrace of what he called “the talented tenth,” which you argue is elitist, essentially. And now, 100-some years after Du Bois wrote that, you write, “Too many of the Black elite get drafted into a white-adjacent privilege suckled by personal prosperity and personal comfort, blinded by the glamor of high society…”

* * *

BLOW: Too many of the Black elite get drafted into a white-adjacent privilege, suckled by personal prosperity and personal comfort, blinded by the glamor of the high society. They become the neo-house Negroes, placated, passive, a resurrection of an antebellum relic in which the best and brightest of Black society, those who would otherwise be the generals in resistance and rebellion, are lulled to sleep by luxuries. The more talented and successful you are, the more tightly the moneyed establishment embraces you, cleaves you from the struggling plight of your people, and beknights you as an honorary member of theirs. It is easy to get lost in this, seduced by it, convinced of it.

* * *

DUBNER: I’m curious, were you lost in that, ever? Were you seduced by that?

BLOW: I was in it. If you are what Holly Peterson calls the “accomplisher’s class” in New York, you’re part of this. A successful cocktail party has, you know, a newspaper man and an artist and that becomes your social life. And it is artificial.

DUBNER: Did you enjoy it in the beginning?

BLOW: You can enjoy it. A lovely glass of wine with a beautifully-made crudité is wonderful. And you go home comfortable and buzzing from the adrenaline and the aura of it all. And yet the masses of Black people have not been helped by that one bit. And you see your own success, this becomes the talented-tenth fallacy. “If I just succeed, that will be the shining light for everybody else, my coattails will drag other people into prosperity.” That’s not true. The reason they’re not prospering is not because they don’t have an avenue, it’s because they’re being actively suppressed. And someone has to actively start fighting that oppression and it needs to be our most talented people, our strongest fighters, our best writers and artists have to get down in the trenches. Release the martini glass, get down in the mud and help fight.

Charles Blow himself has released the martini glass, at least the New York version. He still writes for the Times, and he still keeps an apartment in Brooklyn, but last year, he moved to Atlanta.

DUBNER: So when did you start feeling that that might be a good idea for you personally? Forget about the treatise that you wrote, for you personally to move back down South?

BLOW: Well, as I started to write, it became clear to me that I believe—.

DUBNER: You said, “I can’t write this book and not move back.”

BLOW: That’s part of the impulse. But also, I actually believe what I’m writing. I believe that this is a solution. I’m not trying to convince the 50-year-olds to move. It’s really not about my demographic. It is more targeted at younger people, who have always been the majority of any migration.

DUBNER: Let’s say that your book inspires hundreds of thousands of young Black people, maybe millions, to move to the cities and states you suggest. What does it look like there in 20 years? Describe what 70-year-old Charles Blow sees when he looks around — socially, politically, economically.

BLOW: I see an accelerated attempt to disenfranchise the new voters who are coming. We’re seeing that already after this election. But that the forces of change overtake them. You get a Democratic governor, possibly a Black one, maybe Stacey Abrams, and also possibly a Democratic state house, which Georgia hasn’t had in forever, and you start to take on the big issues which disproportionately affect Black people. You look at the state criminal code, there’s a lot of work to do there that would make life safer, more fulfilled, more happy for Black people, and also just stop wasting human capital in cages.

We examine what our children are learning and from what textbooks, because those decisions are made on a statewide basis. Make sure our textbooks are reflective of the truth and the fullness of our history. We expand Obamacare. There’s a raging H.I.V. infection rate here in Georgia, largely around young Black people. A lot of them are low-income and low-income people with H.I.V. disproportionately get their medication from Medicaid. All they have to do is take the money and expand Medicaid, you save those people’s lives. You continue to send the two senators from Georgia who represent Black interests to the Senate and possibly more representatives to the House, depending on where Black people settle in this state. Likely, you’ll also see some white flight. It’s just the history of Black majorities: white people leave it.

* * *

BLOW: Black density wouldn’t prove beneficial only for political reasons. Black people also need to reunite to combine purchasing power, brainpower, and cultural power. Our dispersal has exposed us to exploitation, for which density could prove curative. Black people have $1.2 trillion in purchasing power and Black talent produces untold billions for other people. How powerful would the Black community be if that money and talent remained and revolved internally, between Black people and Black business?

* * *

DUBNER: You wound up going to college at Grambling State, you had a variety of other offers, but you chose to go there. I’m curious, if you look at H.B.C.U.’s today, would you like to see, as part of your proposal, let’s say the top Black high-school athletes all go to play for H.B.C.U.’s instead of the A.C.C. and the Big 10 and the PAC 12 that make so much money from Black athletic talent?

BLOW: Absolutely. All of that money that that talent generates does not get circulated back into Black communities. If you truly believe in integration, turn the glove inside out. If the Black kids go to Black school, why aren’t the white kids who want to play that sport and be with the highest caliber players go there, too? You know, I look at my kids who did not go to H.B.C.U.’s. It was their choice. But I think I should have been saying to them more vociferously that they should go to them.

DUBNER: Why do you think you didn’t?

BLOW: Buying into the same white credentialing that the rest of the world buys into. “Oh, if you can go to an Ivy, go to an Ivy.”

DUBNER: Do your kids regret it at all or no?

BLOW: They don’t know anything else, right so they don’t know what it would have been like to go to an H.B.C.U.

DUBNER: Your oldest is maybe mid-to-late 20s?

BLOW: Yes, he’s 26 right now.

DUBNER: He went to Yale and he’s now studying medicine at Cornell, is that right?

BLOW: That’s right. That’s right.

DUBNER: Those are credentials, all right.

BLOW: Yes, but I can see in my son, him covered in these racial battle scars. His sometimes unease with himself in spaces, because he’s always been one of the two or three or four or five in the space, in the class, whatever. And so you just never felt what I felt, which was: Every room I walked into, a Black person was the smartest person in that room. So the idea that I could be the smartest person in any room I wanted to, it was always in my head. It doesn’t mean it was egotistical. It’s just that I don’t walk in with the handicap of knowing that I am going to be minority in this room and everybody’s going to be looking at me and thinking, why did I get here and was there some affirmative action involved, da, da, da, da, da.

DUBNER: Okay, but life is full of tradeoffs, right? And he’s going to become a doctor with credentials that will let him do a lot of different things that he might not have been able to do otherwise to help other people, that he might not have been able to help.

BLOW: Possibly, but are the medical students graduated from Howard not going to be able to do that?

DUBNER: I don’t know the answer to that question. But sometimes credentials exist because they’re worth it, sometimes not.

BLOW: But you can’t divorce the history from the present. The legacy admissions of places like the Ivies have led to a particular kind of alumni that largely excluded people who look like me. The testing criteria, which benefits people who make millions of dollars and can keep their kids in $500-an-hour tutors and go to Costa Rica and build a hut during the summer is not going to advantage people who can’t afford those tutors, can’t afford violin classes for eight years.

DUBNER: I’m just asking whether you can disentangle the white supremacy of the institutions from the benefits of the environment.

BLOW: How beneficial is it to have your sense of self diminished? That becomes the tradeoff. I went to Grambling. They did not have Nobel laureates on the faculty. They did not have high-tech facilities with all the latest equipment. They did have people who absolutely taught me that I was valuable and smart and that there was nothing I couldn’t do.

DUBNER: Have you told your kids that you kind of wish that they had gone to historically Black colleges?

BLOW: You know how it is. I write things and then they read it like, “What?” you know? So I think I might have written it, and like not actually told them.

DUBNER: What did I fail to ask you that I should have or what further would you like to talk about that we haven’t?

BLOW: Well, I like to make this point, which is, I am not suggesting that people would be moving back into a utopia. Because if white majorities created racial utopias, every white person in America would be prospering. You will still move back into basic human problems. You will still have poverty, you’ll still have crime, you’ll still have income inequality. That’s just the human condition. But it is undeniable to me that it is better not to live under white supremacy than it is to live under it, because in the aggregate, the people who don’t live under it do better than those who do. And I am saying, if racism is almost universal in this country, it is better to consolidate your power, that you have enough power to actually fight it than not.

And here is one last passage of Charles Blow reading from The Devil You Know:

BLOW: We need a bloc of states — a region — in which we, and our children, are equally conditioned to success, support, and safety. We need a space in which Black imagination is equally encouraged, where we recognize that Black children dream too, that they gaze upon the same stars as all others, that adventure and invention are universally human traits that demand to be nurtured in all. The Black story must be much more than slavery, oppression, and poverty. It must be so much bigger than the part of our literature white America chooses to reward: stories wrapped around racism, stories of struggling for self-acceptance and societal acceptance in a white world riven with that racism. We need space to reverse the absorption of white anxiety into our flesh — their fear of us, contempt of us, disdain for us.

I say to Black Americans in destination cities: If you’re happy and prospering in those cities, by all means stay. If you feel physically safe, economically secure, culturally celebrated, and spiritually edified, you have found your home. But if that is not your lived experience, if you have tired of fighting the same battle that your parents fought, there is another option that is not only viable but desirable.

As Frederick Douglass once wrote about escaping slavery, “I prayed for 20 years but received no answer, until I prayed with my legs.” Black people must pray with their legs.

That was Charles Blow. His book is called The Devil You Know: A Black Power Manifesto. His first book, which I mentioned earlier, is a memoir called Fire Shut Up in My Bones, and it has just been adapted into an opera, with music by Terence Blanchard and libretto by Kasi Lemmons. It opens at the Metropolitan Opera in New York this September, it will be the first opera by a Black composer ever to be performed at the Met.

Freakonomics Radio is produced by Stitcher and Renbud Radio. This episode was produced by Brent Katz. Our staff also includes Alison Craiglow, Greg Rippin, Mark McClusky, Matt Hickey, Mary Diduch, Zack Lapinski, in Emma Tyrrell, we had help this week from Jasmin Klinger. Our theme song is “Mr. Fortune,” by the Hitchhikers, the rest of the music was composed by Luis Guerra. You can subscribe to Freakonomics Radio on Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Here’s where you can learn more about the people and ideas in this episode:

  • Charles M. Blow, op-ed columnist at The New York Times.


She Masqueraded as an Aryan Princess to Take Down Neo-Nazis

Talia Lavin has had her share of creepy online encounters with white supremacists, and she’s disgusted by the internet’s megaphone effect.

Lewis Beale

Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast / Photos Courtesy Talia Lavin

Talia Lavin, a self-described “schlubby, bisexual Jew living in Brooklyn,” was disguised as Ashlynn, a hot, gun-toting Aryan blonde, on a chat group for white supremacists when she attracted the attention of David, a Ukrainian Nazi who was big on terror against Jews, Blacks and Muslims. The duo flirted online for months, until David sent a photo of his car, its license plate plainly visible, and revealed his real name. Lavin used that information to find David’s home address, then contacted a journalist covering the white supremacist movement and passed along the information.

Before the journalist decided to go public with a story about David and a terror group he belonged to, Lavin contacted Mr. Nazi to tell him what she’d done. “I was talking to him weekly or daily for months,” she told The Daily Beast in an interview, “then I found out where he lived and was able to pass it along. And I told him, ‘I’m an anti-fascist, and you’re fucked.’ And he said, ‘I’m scared,’ and you know, that felt fucking good.”

Lavin, who has become something of a bête noire in the online white supremacist world, does not mince words when it comes to the racists and their allies who have been in the news way too much lately. So it’s no surprise that her new book Culture Warlords: My Journey Into the Dark Web of White Supremacy is filled with solid reporting, plenty of invective, and lots of fearless infiltration exposing how the internet has helped expand a far-right culture of hatred and violence.

“There is no economic class, education level, or geographical region that is not part of the organized racist movement,” says Lavin, who has written about the far right for The Nation, GQ, MediaMatters, and other outlets. “These people are from every walk of life. There are a lot of reasons for anger, and the people I have reported on take natural feelings of loneliness and turn them on vulnerable and marginalized people. And that’s what makes me angrier. They are human people making human choices to do evil.”

To track down these evil types, Lavin has taken on more disguises than most of the characters in the Marvel universe. She’s used her Ashlynn persona to check out a whites-only dating site, pretended to be an ‘incel’—an involuntary celibate virgin—to find out more about the toxic world of violent misogyny, where incel mass murderer Elliot Rodger is known as “Saint Elliot”, infiltrated a neo-Nazi terror cell, attended a conference for alt-right YouTubers, and gone online to discover people talking about ways to rape her.

“I logged onto a chat room and they are discussing raping me with a gun,” says Lavin, who describes this as her scariest personal moment while researching the book. “That was a moment when I thought, ‘oh, boy,’ and I realized I was on the radar of some really serious folks. These are people who want to kill me because of who I am, and what I have said in public. I could have turned away and said, ‘I’m not gonna write this book,’ but I just doubled down.”

At one point, Lavin joined over 90 far-right chat groups, and found out that, thanks to The Daily Stormer, a white supremacist site, she is the top Google search for ‘fat greasy kike.’ Not that Lavin can’t give as well as she gets, when it comes to over-the-top invective. She refers to a racist faction of the GOP as “odorous and pustulent,” and calls white nationalist and senior presidential adviser Stephen Miller an “odious Nosferatu figure” (Come to think of it, that description seems freakishly accurate).

Invective aside, Culture Warlords is a sober and downright scary look at how right-wing media, racist police, and especially Silicon Valley have enabled the expansion of far right toxicity.

“Silicon Valley has long operated on a libertarian, reckless ‘move fast and break things’ ethos that is far more conservative about reining in hate speech than allowing it to reverberate in the public consciousness unchecked,” Lavin writes in the book.

Using as an example billionaire and Facebook board member Peter Thiel’s brief flirtation with white supremacy, Lavin says, “I think there are also part of the Silicon Valley elite who are sympathetic to the white supremacy cause. I don’t think they are taking this threat seriously, they are relying on journalists to tell them militias are organizing on their platforms. That’s ridiculous, they have billions of dollars, they can put their resources into content moderation.”

And then there are the police and military, some of whose members are a bit too tight with far right groups, as evidenced in recent events in Kenosha, Wisconsin, where police thanked armed militia members.

“Dozens of members of the military have joined the white supremacist movement, and certainly members of police departments are members of racist groups,” says Lavin. “There is no coincidence that The Proud Boys [the far-right group which President Trump refused to condemn] have organized pro-police rallies.”

Possibly the scariest fact in Lavin’s book is a report by the Anti-Defamation League that over 70 percent of murders related to extremism in the U.S. between 2008 and 2017 were committed by far-right extremists (that number increased to 90 percent last year ). Although Lavin acknowledges that not all white supremacists commit violent acts, she points to Timothy McVeigh and the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, the largest terrorist incident in the U.S. prior to 9/11, as an example of the immense damage a few individuals can perpetrate.

“What we have is a precarious situation where we have this sort of widespread para-military acceleration of the movement of people who are ready to do violence, and they are getting cozier with government, and there are incidents where law enforcement has seen these groups as deputies,” she says. “You can be skeptical about an actual putsch, but more than that you have the possibility of mass casualty events.”

So the obvious question here is, “What is to be done?” Lavin isn’t sure that education is the answer, and given the recent survey which found that 10 percent of Americans under 40 have never heard of the Holocaust , her lack of faith in the educational system might be spot on. She does, however, think that the amorphous group known as antifa could be one way to fight back, and devotes the last two chapters of her book to the movement.

Noting that right wing media seems to be obsessed with antifa (as well as BLM), even though it is primarily a non-violent movement without leaders or even specific membership, Lavin says the group’s mission is essentially to dox far-right activists, infiltrate their groups and counter-protest their rallies (think Charlottesville). And as far as she’s concerned, “what I want people to come away with from the book is not just a sense of fear. I don’t think law enforcement is the answer, I hope more people come away from the book with a sense that this is something to fight, and something I can fight. These [white supremacists] are your neighbors, your drinking buddies, and it is your responsibility as an American to find out and publish your findings. We need a lot more anti-fascists out there.”


Who are the members of white supremacist groups in America?

Last Updated Aug 15, 2017 7:59 PM EDT

There are hundreds of hate groups in this country -- their members living largely in the shadows.

So who makes up America's hate groups? Ask Christian Picciolini who nearly 25 years ago was a leader in the skinhead movement, CBS News' Jim Axelrod reports.

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Christian Picciolini CBS News

Axelrod asked him who are the people who make up the rank and file of white supremacist movement?

"It's the average American," Picciolini said. "It is our mechanics, it's our dentists, it's our teachers, lawyers, doctors, nurses and unfortunately that's the way it's turned into the last 30 years."

Born and raised in working class Chicago, Picciolini joined his first white power gang at age 14. This was before quitting after eight years and starting a non-profit to combat to hate.

Christian Picciolini CBS News

Picciolini addressed the thought that white supremacy in America is a scary picture.

"It is … unfortunately … it's a reality," Picciolini said.

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) counts more than 900 active hate groups in the U.S. -- a number that's growing.

But Heidi Beirich, who tracks hate groups for SPLC -- agrees with the former skinhead.

"This is a movement that is really fueled -- at this moment -- by a lot of young, angry white men," Beirich said.

Heidi Beirich CBS News

"It is absolutely false to think that the people in the white supremacist movement are really poor people living in trailer parks with no education," she added.

Axelrod asked if there is a distinct number of the members of this movement who are educated.

"Absolutely. There are a whole lot of people with PhD's … law degrees . you know bachelor degrees," Picciolini said.

Picciolini takes it further. He says no one should be surprised that support for Mr. Trump from white supremacists this weekend should be a surprise.

When asked if white supremacists look at Mr. Trump and feel affirmed, Picciolini said, "absolutely … 100 percent."

"The anti-immigrant, the anti-refugee talk and the idea to put America first … those are all things that we talked about 30 years ago," Picciolini said. "And it resonates just as deeply for the people who are in this movement."

A view of white supremacists at a rally. CBS News

In January, the Obama administration gave Picciolini's group $400,000 to continue its work battling hate groups. Then in June -- the Trump administration told them the grant was canceled.

The tensions at the center of the violence in Charlottesville are an issue in cities across the country.

Following the violence in Charlottesville, officials across the country are taking a hard look at rallies being planned in their cities by white supremacists.

Mayor Marty Walsh is speaking out against an upcoming "free speech" rally that white nationalists say they plan to attend.

"We are a city that believes in free speech, but we will not tolerate sentiments to violence, we will not tolerate threatening behavior, we will not have it," Walsh said.


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Komentarji:

  1. Turr

    Congratulations, that's just a great thought.

  2. Kadmus

    Hvala za informacije.

  3. Patten

    odločila pomagati in poslala objavo na družbenem omrežju. zaznamki. upam, da bo priljubljenost narasla.

  4. Rodd

    Hvala za informacije, zdaj takih napak ne prenašam.

  5. Erling

    Kul stran! Hvala, ker ste! To smo mi…



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